Tuesday, August 6, 2019

Influence to the Indian populace Essay Example for Free

Influence to the Indian populace Essay His influence to the Indian populace was so great that when he met an accident while filming the movie, Coolie, the whole nation prayed for his recovery. There was also a great number of Indians who donated blood for the actor. During the taping for the movie, Bachchan wanted a scene to be realistic so he suggested how the punch should be undertaken unfortunately, the acting got so intense that he ended up in pain. For several days, the doctors cannot find the source of Bachchan’s hurt, until one day, a doctor was able to detect a dark spot on his intestine. The dark spot was his undigested when the punch in his abdomen was made. After seventy-two hours of pain, the undigested food could have turned into poison (Mishra 142-143). His intestine was also ruptured as a result of his fall on the steel table after the punch administered by the stuntman (Chopra n. pag. ) The doctors opted for an immediate operation, however, while he was in the operating table, he lost signs of life. He was declared clinically dead until his wife, Jaya shouted that he saw him move his toe. After this remarkable statement of his wife, the doctors were able to revive him (Mishra 142-143). Throughout the period that he was in the hospital, his supporters speculated that the punch that he received was real and intentional—that it was meant to hurt him. However, no proof was established to back up the claim. After the recovery, Bachchan continued filming the movie to where he left off. He also thanked those who offered prayers for his recovery and the support that the entire nation devoted to him. To date, he is the only movie actor who received such sympathy. People from all walks of life showed all the support they can give and it was as if life in India stopped for Bachchan. Life only returned to its normal shape when it was declared that he is already safe (Mishra 142-143) Aside from acting, Bachchan also tried his luck in politics after he was swayed by his friend Rajiv Gandhi, whose mother was assassinated and won by sympathy vote. Bachchan was elected to a Parliamentary seat, however, this prestigious position did not prove beneficial to him as his name was included to a political controversy. Bachchan, his brother and Rajiv were accused with bribery. It was rumored that the Boffors company bribed Indian politicians to ensure that the government will buy tanks and other military equipment from them (Mishra 144). This hullabaloo seriously injured the name that Bachchan was able to established through time so he decided to quit politics two years after he first explored it. After his flop in the field of politics, Bachchan returned to his first love—film making. Bachchan is well loved by the Indians and his acting widely accepted, however, these love and acceptance were not enough to keep his star shining after the political controversy he faced. Mishra, however, points out that his breakdown in politics is not the direct cause of his collapse as a star. Just like the period when he started his sensational career as an actor, the people then were looking for variety, for something new to watch, the Indians also felt this way at some point when Bachchan was the king of the charts. The people were worn-out with the constant revenge and anger theme in his movies and were looking for something new—for a new approach in movies. This was the time when the need to revive Romanticism was felt. The revival of romance in the films brought back the idea of a character and once again motivation replaced generic predictability, something which Bachchan turned his back on (Mishra 138). For Bombay cinema to survive, the romantic twist had to return. And so, as Bachchan’s star waned, romance returned (Mishra 138). After his political stint and cinema flops, Bachchan shifted his attention to a new venture. He created a multi-faceted commercial enterprise known as the Amitabh Bachchan Corporation Limited or ABCL. The company delved in production and distribution of films and other ventures that involved the movie industry. For sometime, the company enjoyed success in producing movies and even catered the Miss World pageant in India in 1996. However, in its latter years, it faced so many debts that it reached bankruptcy (Indiaoye). His failure both in the political and business worlds, prompted him to go back to where he established his name—the entertainment industry. At 55, he filmed his comeback movie, Mrityutada. It was not as successful as his previous movies but it was enough to sustain him in the entertainment field. Two years after his comeback film, he was named in a BBC poll as the Superstar of the Millennium. This title placed him in equal footing with Sir Lawrence Olivier, Charlie Chaplin and Marlon Brando. Aside from this, he is also the first Asian actor to be included in Madame Tassaud’s wax museum (hindi lyrix n. pag. ). According to Mishra, Bachchan’s success in his career is not only because of his talent in acting but also because of his skill in building his image outside the theater houses. The author suggests three stages in the life of Bachchan that moulded his image as an actor. First is his relationship with his leading ladies, particularly Rekha. Rekha, the daughter of the Hindi actor Ganeshan, is a tall and good looking woman who exhibited real acting talent. She was one of the few actors then who brought â€Å"real sense of character to the films†. She was suspected by journalists to have established a romantic relation with Bachchan and this suspected relationship was â€Å"extensively documented in the fanzines†. Mishra suggests that this added to the growth of the â€Å"quietly sanctioned counternarrative† by the actor himself. However, Bachchan imposed censorship when journalists began to pester him (Mishra 140). The affair of Rekha and Bachchan was better revealed in the movie Silsila (Continuity, 1981). In this movie the actors showed what they could not reveal in real life—depicting the love triangle that exists between Jaya, the wife; Bachchan, the husband; and Rekha, the mistress (Mishra 141).

Monday, August 5, 2019

Evaluation of Mathematics Curriculum

Evaluation of Mathematics Curriculum The question, ‘Why Teach Mathematics?’ as put forward by Ernest (2000), is one without a straightforward answer. Ernest (2000) outlines many difficulties which must be overcome if mathematics is to be taught effectively, namely the wide-ranging and complex aims of school mathematics (Ernest 2000, 7). The debate continues to rage in the columns of the broadsheets, as to whether the mathematics teaching in this country is effective and indeed whether or not it meets the needs of an increasingly complex society. Furthermore, as propounded by Ernest (2000), should the learners themselves be allowed to opt in or out of mathematics learning by choice? The first issue to be discussed is the mathematics curriculum itself. Ernest (2000) recognises four main aims for school mathematics and, therefore, the curriculum: ‘1 To reproduce mathematical skill and knowledge-based capability; 2 To develop creative capabilities in mathematics; 3 To develop empowering mathematical capabilities and a critical appreciation of  the social applications and uses of mathematics; 4 To develop an inner appreciation of mathematics – its big ideas and nature’ (Ernest 2000, 7) These four aims represent the need for a demanding and comprehensive curriculum. The mathematics curriculum has undergone radical changes in recent years, most notably with the introduction of the National Numeracy Strategy in 1998 (DfES 1998). This was followed in 2006 by the renewed Primary Framework for Mathematics (DfES 2006), its aim ‘to support and increase all children’s access to excellent teaching, leading to exciting and successful learning,’ (DfES 2006, 1). Throughout the new framework there seems to be an increased emphasis on problem solving (using and applying) and calculating skills, seemingly in accord with Ernest’s views on the matter, particularly in terms of developing creative abilities in mathematics. The renewed framework for mathematics places increasing importance on developing practical skills and, ‘providing real experiences, context and meaning,’ (DfES 2006, 13), seemingly in line with Ernest’s views. Consequently, it would seem that the current mathematics curriculum is headed in the ‘right’ direction. Indeed current classroom practise is a far cry from the traditional mathematics lessons of the past. Teachers are encouraged to think of the needs of all their learners through using a variety of different interactive teaching strategies. Children are challenged and supported to make progress at a differentiated level. Indeed classroom practitioners are expected to include sophisticated differentiation into their short term planning. This should surely mean that the standard of mathematics within schools is improving. This would also seemingly be at odds with the suggestion put forward by Ernest when he asks, ‘should the same curriculum be followed by all?’ (Ernest 2000, 8). This would imply that if the same curriculum is followed by every pupil, the needs of every pupil are not being met. However, this is not the way that mathematics should be dealt with in the classroom, as summarised by Wain: ‘The degree to which the teacher retains control of what the learners  do each lesson and the extent to which the learners can choose the next task  vary†¦but typical of all is that learning is individualized to a very great extent,  although often within a group setting. Whole-class teaching is, in general,  not used, or used sparingly, and each pupil is engaged in a learning process  that is unique to him or her.’ (Wain 1994, 136) The view that modern teaching methods have improved the standard of mathematics learning in this country is not, however, the opinion commonly put forward by many of today’s journalists. Chris Woodhead of the Sunday Times (August 26th 2007) recently reported that an insufficient number of pupils are obtaining A*-C grades at GCSE level, despite the fact that pass rates are higher than ever: ‘Last year 45.8% of students achieved five A*-C grades including English  and mathematics in the GCSE examination: 54.2% did not. This annual  statistic is one that the government was long reluctant to release. In that  English and maths are of such crucial importance, it is the only statistic  that matters.’ (Woodhead 2007) These figures would seem to suggest that the teaching of maths in this country, and perhaps the maths curriculum itself is in someway failing the young people who sit their GCSE mathematics examination every summer. However, A*-C are not the only pass grades, and this figures could, therefore, be construed as misleading. Institutes of further and higher education do seem to place emphasis on successful candidates having the required A*-C grade in mathematics, however, is this the most useful way of assessing how successful an individual will be at higher levels of study, particularly when that individual may not be continuing their mathematics education beyond GCSE level? Indeed Ernest puts forward the idea that, ‘mathematical attainment is mistakenly identified with intelligence and mental power and used to grade and select persons for various forms of work, including professional occupations, as well as in terms of suitability for higher education,’ (Ernest 2000, 8). Consequently it would seem that too much emphasis is placed on achieving desired grades in mathematics at GCSE level. However, the view of employers and those of higher education institutes is unlikely to change until public opinion is revised, after all, ‘Yes 98% of candidates are awarded some sort of grade, but everyone knows that any grade below a C is worthless in the real world,’ (Woodhead 2007). This argument would seem to lead into another suggestion by Ernest (2000, 8), concerning the viability of the current arrangements for teaching mathematics to five to sixteen year olds in a modern environment, ‘Requiring learners to study mathematics from the age of five to 16 years is less easy to justify if mathematics is not as useful as is often assumed,’ (Ernest 2000, 8). This could be taken to mean, is mathematics as necessary as we think in order to survive and progress in today’s society? It could be proposed that any number of professions, or avenues of employment, do not require the individual to have mathematical knowledge in order for them to execute their duties successfully. Consequently, it could be argued that individuals should be allowed to, ‘opt out altogether,’ (Ernest 2000, 8), if their chosen career path permits it. The difficulty with this route would be deciding at what point in their education the individual should be allowed to opt out of their mathematical instruction. On the other hand Orton (1994, 14) expounds at length on the importance of mathematics in the world today: ‘The indisputable fact is that mathematics is vital to the maintenance of satisfactory living standards. It is mathematics which underpins the science  and technology that support modern society. It would seem to be a  legitimate aim for educators to wish that pupils will come to an understanding  of how society works, and this implies an understanding of how mathematics provides support’ (Orton 1994, 14). Consequently, it could be said that regardless of whether or not we need mathematics for our employment, it is essential for survival in the modern world. At its simplest level individuals needs a knowledge of money and monetary systems to survive in today’s world, something that is addressed by mathematics teaching. At a more advanced level, as technology advances apace, the individual needs to be equipped to operate it in a variety of different occupations. However, is the mathematics curriculum preparing the individual for this adequately? Another question to be considered as part of this debate is, ‘where does mathematics teaching end, and information and communication technology (ICT) teaching start?’ There is surely considerable overlap, and when considering Orton’s (1994, 14) point above, this must be taken into account, indeed the teaching of mathematics must have considerable overlap with a number of different subject areas if it is to be effective. This is a view put forward by the renewed mathematics framework, which places emphasis on the importance of, ‘making links between curriculum subjects and areas of learning,’ (DfES 2006, 13). Making meaningful links between other subject areas and mathematics could make what is learned more valuable as it becomes ‘real’ for the learner. Ernest puts forward the idea that, ‘it is an unhappy learning experience for almost half of the population,’ (Ernest 2000, 8), referring to the experience of learning mathematics which five to sixteen year olds undergo. This would seem to be supported by current research, which indicates that students are reluctant to carry on their study of mathematics beyond GCSE level. Doctor Richard Pike of The Royal Society of Chemistry said in an interview with BBC News: ‘Schools and students are reluctant to consider A-level mathematics to age  18, because the subject is regarded as difficult, and with league tables and  university entrance governed by A-level points, easier subjects are taken.’ (Doctor Richard Pike, BBC news 2007) This would seem to suggest that mathematics at A-level is considered too difficult and insufficiently interesting to tempt students to continue their studies after GCSE level. It also implies that schools and further education institutes are foregoing this more traditional subject in favour of more popular subjects. Doctor Pike also claims that because of this drop in the number of students taking A-Level mathematics, there has been a knock on effect for students wishing to study science at university: ‘Increasingly, universities are having to mount remedial sessions for incoming science undergraduates because their maths skills are so limited, with many having stopped formal lessons in mathematics two years earlier at GCSE level.’ (Doctor Richard Pike, BBC news 2007) If the fact that students are no longer choosing to take their mathematical studies forward into A-level can have such a knock-on effect on their university studies, surely it could be argued that giving students the opportunity to ‘drop’ maths earlier in their education could have even greater implications. Pupils need to be fully aware of all implications before making choices about their A-Level studies. It would seem that thought should also be given to making the prospect of studying A-Level mathematics more attractive to both students, and educational establishments. The concept of making mathematics more ‘attractive’ to the potential A-Level student, takes us back to the discussion we started about the curriculum. It also links into Ernest’s thoughts on appreciating mathematics for its own sake. He discussed appreciating the social role mathematics plays, and has played in the past, (Ernest 2000, 7). Perhaps by incorporating the history of mathematics into pupils’ education it may give them an increased appreciation of the subject itself: ‘The appreciation of mathematics as making a unique contribution to  human culture with special concepts and a powerful aesthetic of its own,  is an aim for school mathematics often neglected by mathematicians and  users of mathematics alike.’ (Ernest 2000, 7) This would suggest that this aspect of mathematical education would be a valuable addition to the mathematics curriculum. Ernest also says that it would be a mistake to confuse an appreciation of maths with ability, as the two don’t necessarily go hand in hand. It is quite possible to develop an appreciation of maths without having an innate ability in the subject (Ernest 2000, 7). Indeed developing an appreciation for mathematics itself, may lead to an increased interest in the subject, consequently this may lead to an improvement in mathematical ability, as interest can be a key factor in children making academic progress. In conclusion Ernest (2000) makes a number of interesting points in attempting to answer the question, ‘Why Teach Mathematics?’ Despite the improvements made to the mathematics curriculum, and the teaching of mathematics, in recent years, there does not seem to have been a sufficient improvement in the number of pupils achieving A*-C grades at GCSE level. There has also been a knock-on effect on the number of pupils taking mathematics at A-Level and beyond, perhaps due to lack of interest, or perhaps due to the difficulty of the subject. Institutes of further education also seem reluctant for their pupils to study mathematics at A-Level. Ernest also puts forward the suggestion that pupils should be permitted to choose to what point they continue their mathematics education, however, this could also have multiple implications. It has been argued that a sound mathematical knowledge is essential for living and working in the world today, despite the fact that many occupatio ns do not necessarily require the individual to have any formal mathematical qualifications. Ultimately a mathematical education would seem to be a necessity for pupils in full time education, however, the way in which it is taught should be constantly reviewed in order for pupils to gain the full benefit of what they have learned. It is the responsibility of educators nationwide to ensure that pupils have a rich and varied mathematical experience, and that they themselves see the importance of teaching mathematics. Bibliography BBC News (2007) www.news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/education/6588695.stm, date accessed 27.08.07 DfES (2006) Primary Framework for literacy and mathematics. London: Department for Education and Skills. DfES (1998) The National Numeracy Strategy. London: Department for Education and Skills. Ernest, Paul (2000) Why Teach Mathematics? in Bramall, S and White, J (Eds) Why Learn Maths? Bedford Way Papers London: Institute of Education Orton, Anthony (1994) Aims of Teaching Mathematics in Orton, Anthony and Wain, Geoffrey (eds) Issues in Teaching Mathematics. London: Cassell. Wain, Geoffrey (1994) Learning Styles and Teaching Mathematics: Towards Open Learning in Orton, Anthony and Wain, Geoffrey (eds) Issues in Teaching Mathematics. London: Cassell. Woodhead, Chris. (2007) The GCSE’s Failure www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/education/article2326707.ece, date accessed 27.08.07

Identity in Rural Communities: Sociological Concepts

Identity in Rural Communities: Sociological Concepts Introduction Rural communities have been a source of much interest for those engaged within the sociological and geographical realms of study for many years now. The industrial revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries triggered the phenomenon of rural depopulation as millions throughout the Western nations, lured by the promise of a more prosperous existence in the urban core, abandoned their agrarian settlements. However, the late 20th century has witnessed a dramatic increase in the standard of living for the inhabitants of the developed world. Cataclysmic advancements in the spheres of transportation, infrastructure and technology have permitted the denizens of our cities with greater access to regions which were once isolated and peripheral. For the first time in over two centuries populations are now increasing throughout the urban hinterland and countryside. As a consequence, rural communities are now faced with a growing influx of ‘outsider’ or alien elements which may be per ceived to threaten their unique cultural and social traditions. Such elements range from governmental legislation (imposed from a regional, national or supranational level) to tourism and second home ownership. However, in an increasingly globalised and homoginised world, academics have developed great interest in the methodologies deployed by erstwhile isolated settlements as they strive to conserve their very identities and notions of ‘community’. Mewitt has argued that the ‘esoteric cultures’ of rural communities have been much undervalued. He states that, ‘a local population can possess a largely unique culture that remains distinctive in that its symbolic manifestations convey meanings that are commonly understood only among those people.’[1] Defining the Communal Boundary Muir eloquently highlights that, ‘every landscape is enmeshed in networks of boundaries. Some of these are living or current and others are relics of former patterns of overlordship and partition.’[2] He further adds that, ‘some boundaries are political in character’ whilst ‘others relate to ownership and tenancy.’[3] Indeed, the configuration of the present day counties of England dates from Medieval times when the Normans attempted to organise and rationalise the physical landscape. Muir explains that as the number of people residing in a specific locale increases, the greater the necessity precipitates to impose physical boundaries to ‘serve both instructive and symbolic roles.’[4] The remnants of Medieval ‘landscapes of power’ can still be observed in the guise of churches or castles positioned on elevated terrain. Indeed Muir emphasises that, ‘Medieval crosses were frequently associated with marking route way s and the places where roads entered ecclesiastical property.’[5] However, sociologists argue that the concept of ‘boundary’ often surpasses the purely mundane realm. Cohen insists that the boundary of a community is ‘more complex than its physical, legal or administrative basis’ and even ‘ethnic, racial, religious or linguistic differences.’[6] Indeed, he believes that communal, social and physical frontiers may ‘exist in the minds of their beholders’ and are often not objective entities.[7] Indeed, according to Cohen and other commentators the boundaries of a community may be defined in a variety of ways including local genealogy, traditions, idioms, land distribution, folk histories and idiosyncrasies. Defining the Rural Community Shuttles argues that whilst urban communities were traditionally defined on the basis of ‘race, ethnicity and socioeconomic differences,’ rural communities were typically ‘more homogenous.’[8] However, he notes that power was normally concentrated ‘in the hands of a small group of local elites.’[9] Shuttles’ comments are interesting when one considers what many regard as being symbolic of the typical or idyllic rural community. The English manor house and rustic thatched cottage conjure up images of a romantic and traditional arcadian scenario. Indeed, sociologists are now quick to highlight how the paintings of artists such as Constable, and the lucid literary descriptions of writers like Thomas Hardy, have done much to perpetuate the myth of idyllic rural communities within the collective mindset. These were communities where everyone seemingly had his or her ‘place’ within a clearly defined and functional social hierarchy. However, Seymour et al. state that ‘recent debates in rural studies have highlighted the need to reconsider power relations in the countryside by allowing other voices to be heard.’[10] They insist that previously marginalised groups, such as manual workers and housewives, play just as important a role in defining the local community as those in positions of economic and political power. They also note that traditional stereotypes of the rural community are changing both within and out with the locale. For example, farmers were typically viewed as ‘patriotic food producers and the guardians of the countryside.’[11] Since the 1980s the pollution issues concerning unsustainable farming practices and use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides have severely altered the once romantic myth of the farmer as custodian of the landscape and lynch pin of the rural community. Jones’ study of social attitudes in and around the town of Cwmrheidol in rural west Wales is most illuminating. In the late 1980s she began to interview a wide range of locals and incomers; participants included: ‘traditional women and feminists, Welsh speakers and English speakers, residents and summer visitors, New Age travellers, hill farmers and urban commuters.’[12] Indeed, Jones’ findings reveal a plurality of attitudes regarding what constitutes ‘community’ in the local area. Ieuan, a Welsh-speaking hill farmer, seemed to resent official bodies and felt that EU legislation was gradually eroding traditional farming practices and his way-of-life. He was also angry with the planting of Forestry Commission coniferous forests on the hillsides and the imposition of alien boundaries upon once communal pasturelands. Ieuan complained about the ‘thoughtlessness of tourists’ and was sceptical regarding plans to diversify the tourist in dustry.[13] His conservative attitude was shared by Alison and Phil, ‘incomers’ from England, who also opposed development of the area and believed that new housing projects could destroy the rustic character of the local milieu. Another ‘incomer’ named Ros also exhibited similar sentiments and did not want change, so much so that she stated how she would protest vehemently against the renovation of a nearby ‘ruin’. Indeed, one could say that Ieuan, Alison and Phil, and Ros viewed the traditional community as something which should be cherished and remain static throughout time. However, the ‘incomers’ did state that they felt very much like ‘outsiders’ despite having lived in the region for some time. As Ros stated, ’the old locals they’re a community on their own.’[14] The local vicar Patrick Thomas was more than aware of the existence of ‘communities within communities’ throughout this part of Wales. A principal boundary was of a linguistic nature and those who could not speak the Welsh language became effectively excluded from many social and communal activities. Many older inhabitants simply did not view ‘incomers’ as part of the community and seemed to view them as a threat. The vicar strove to promote individual responsibility and attempted to encourage community values regardless of whether an inhabitant was of an ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’ status. Indeed, Patrick Thomas clearly viewed the entire community as a cohesive whole whilst others chose to be more selective in their analysis, often on the grounds of language, ethnicity and place of origin, regarding who was a part of their local ‘community’. Mewett notes how the inhabitants of the Isle of Lewis choose to define the boundaries of the community. He emphasises the importance of nicknames throughout the island by ‘expressing to people the attachment of themselves and others to the local community’[15] and by effectively defining their very social identities. Cohen’s study of the Shetland Island community of Whalsay revealed the existence of a ‘public treasury of personal knowledge.’[16] This social treasury included; ‘the public identities of Whalsay people: the characters attributed to them in public discourse and formulated on the basis of the stereotypical qualities of their kinsfolk or their township of origin; the anecdotal knowledge of incidents in which they were participants; supposed personal idiosyncrasies and so forth.’[17] Such a methodology of social definition is representative of a local folk history and assists in binding the local community together and affirming the notion of ‘being Whalsa’. Cohen concludes that public identities provide social boundaries for the community and serve as veritable ‘compass bearings’.[18] Cohen also highlights the linkage of a person to a place in Whalsay and the propensity of locals to depersonalise individual talents and skills. If someone exhibits an aptitude for woodwork they are said to have ‘Skaw-blood’ in them. The origin of this saying derives from the belief that many skilled carpenters once came from the town of Skaw in the north. This was due to the fact that drift wood commonly accumulated on the coast near this town and the local artisans had a ready supply of the raw material. To compliment one’s ability in such a way effectively grounds the individual within the historical, genealogical, physical and symbolic boundaries of the imagined island community. McFarlane’s study of four villages in Northern Ireland highlights how rural communities choose to define their communal identities and demarcate boundaries within a nation fraught with religious tension. In the predominantly Protestant village of Ballycuan the local history is recounted from a Protestant perspective. The July band marches also symbolised Protestant hegemony within the community and, as the local band master stated, ‘remind everyone that Ballycuan is a Protestant village.’[19] Conversely, in the village of Glenleven, Protestants seemed to ‘present histories which appear to be much less certain about Protestant strengths.’[20] This was due to their minority status in the town and the general consensus amongst all inhabitants that a good sense of community outweighed religious differences. This is an example of how rural inhabitants may choose to redefine the symbolic boundaries of their communities in order to accommodate a plurality of interests. Conclusion As Tuan emphasises, human territoriality and the creation of community is very different to that of the animals which is ‘unburdened by symbolic thought.’[21] There is often ‘an emotional bond between man and nature, man and place.’[22] Cohen’s and Mewett’s studies of rural island communities have highlighted this fact. Community boundaries may be imposed by a variety of individuals or groups in accordance with how they perceive, or wish to perceive, their local society. Such symbolic representations are often crafted on the basis of class, gender or ethnicity but, as Cohen has shown, they can also be very subjective. Cohen also notes that the coming of improved transport linkages to rural communities and the mass market will offer new challenges to how people in the countryside identify themselves collectively. He is however confident that they will continue to define the symbols and boundaries which establishes one as ‘an integral piece of the fabric which constitutes the community.’[23] Bibliography COHEN, A. P. Belonging: Identity and social Organisation in British rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982 COHEN, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986 COHEN, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987 CRANG, M. Cultural Geography, Routledge, 1998 GIDDENS, A. Sociology, 5th Edition, Polity Press, 2006 LEWIS, G. J. Rural Communities, David and Charles, 1979 LOWERTHAL, D. BOWDEN, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1976 MILBOURNE, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997 MITCHELL, D. Cultural Geography: A Critical Introduction, Blackwell, 2000 MUIR, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000 PENNING-ROWSELLE, E. C. LOWENTHAL, D. Landscape Meanings and Values, Allen and Unwin, 1986 SALTER, C. L. The Cultural Landscape, Dixbury Press, 1971 1 Footnotes [1] Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 222 [2] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 68 [3] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 68 [4] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 69 [5] Muir, R. The New Reading the Landscape: Fieldwork in Landscape History, University of Exeter Press, 2000, pg. 82 [6] Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary in a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 14 [7] Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary in a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 14 [8] Shuttles, G. D. The Social Construction of Communities, University of Chicago Press, 1972, pg. 260 [9] Shuttles, G. D. The Social Construction of Communities, University of Chicago Press, 1972, pg. 260 [10] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 57 [11] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 58 [12] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 135 [13] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg. 137 [14] Milbourne, P. Revealing Rural Others: Representation, Power and Identity in the British Countryside, Pinter, 1997, pg.139 [15]Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 243 [16]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [17]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [18]Cohen, A. P. Whalsay: Symbol, Segment and Boundary In a Shetland Island Community, Manchester University Press, 1987, pg. 61 [19] Cohen, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986, pg. 94 [20] Cohen, A. P. Symbolising Boundaries: Identity and Diversity in British Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1986, pg. 94 [21] Lowerthal, D. Bowden, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1986, pg. 13 [22] Lowerthal, D. Bowden, M. J. Geographies of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geosophy, Oxford, 1986, pg. 13 [23] Cohen, A. P. Belonging: Identity and Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures, Manchester University Press, 1982, pg. 21

Sunday, August 4, 2019

The Ending of Franz Kafkas Metamorphosis :: Metamorphosis essays

The Ending of Franz Kafka's Metamorphosis At first glance, the final four pages of Franz Kafka's novel The Metamorphosis seem to be meaningless. This assumption, however, is anything but the truth. The final four pages, although seeming to be of no importance, serve to show the reader how the Samsa family changes as a result of the main character's, Gregor Samsa's, death. The family's changes are best exemplified in two different scenes: the scene at the kitchen table, and the scene on the trolley. During the scene at the kitchen table, there is a common change among the family members: their new willingness to do things independently. Their bold act of writing "letters of excuse" is a clear example of their new independence. Prior to Gregor's death, the family relied completely on Gregor's financial support and had little in terms of responsibilities. Kafka explains this lack of work when he writes, "they [Gregor's parents] had formed the conviction that Gregor was set for life in his firm . . . they were so preoccupied with their immediate troubles that they had lost all consideration for the future,"(17). By taking the initiative and writing to their employers, Gregor's family proves that they no longer depend on Gregor. The scene at the kitchen table proves revealing once again when Mr. Samsa announces that he will fire the cleaning lady (17). By doing so, Mr. Samsa demonstrates that he has changed and can take responsibility. Grete (Gregor's sister) and Mrs. Samsa also show that they have changed by not contesting Mr. Samsa's decision to fire the cleaning lady. In retrospect, firing the cleaning lady is an additional step towards change from the past. The second revealing scene is the scene on the trolley. In this scene, Kafka reveals the family's plans for the future, as well as the significant changes in Grete. He also emphasizes that leaving the apartment together is "something they [the family] had not done in months"(58). Demonstrating again their change to independence. Similarly, the family's plan to buy a "smaller and cheaper apartment" (58) further proves that they have become independent. Kafka's remarks pertaining to Grete reveal a different kind of change. During all of the turmoil involving Gregor, Grete matured both physically and mentally.

Saturday, August 3, 2019

The Digestive System Essay -- Anatomy Processes Eating Digestion Essay

The Digestive System The digestive system is a group of organs that perform the process by which food, containing nutrients, is eaten and broken down into different components. This breakdown makes it possible for the digested material to pass through the intestinal wall into the blood stream. The digestive process contains many different steps that take place in many different organs.The first step of digestion begins at the mouth, where the food enters the mouth. Saliva is secreted from the salivary glands. The saliva contains enzymes such as Ptyalin, which starts sugar digestion. The enzymes also provide lubrication to help in the chewing and swallowing of the food. The food then goes down the esophagus and into the stomach, where the next step of digestion takes place. In the stomach, a mixture of hydrochloric acid and Pepsin, which is secreted by the stomach wall, liquefies the food. At the same time, a substance called intrinsic factor binds Vitamin B in food and various gastric enzymes, such as Pepsin (which begins protein digestion), which are secreted by the stomach wall. Secretions of mucus protect the stomach from its digestive enzymes. The food is then mixed in the stomach, turning it into chyme(digested food). The muscular pumping motion called peristalsis churns the chyme around.The chyme then passes through the pyloric valve by peristalsis to the first portion of the small intestine, the duodenum. The duodenum is where most of the chemical digestion takes place. Here, bile from the gallbladder and enzymes from the pancreas and intestinal walls combine with the chyme to begin the final part of digestion.Bile liquid is created in the liver, and stored in the gallbladder. Bile aids in the mechanical digestion of fat. The pancreas and gland cells of the small intestine secrete digestive enzymes that chemically break down complex food molecules into simpler ones. These enzymes include trypsin for protein digestion, amylase for carbohydrate digestion, and lipase for fat digestion. When the food passes through the duodenum, the digestion is complete.From the duodenum, the chyme passes to the jejunum and ileum, where tiny finger-like objects called villi, cover the walls. These villi start the absorption of food. During the absorption, food molecules enter the blood stream through the walls of the intestine. From the small intest... ...um often affects the amount or frequency of one’s bowel movements. People should see a doctor if they experience any change in their bowel movements or pain while having a movement. Most patients whose cancer is confined to the intestine have the growth removed by surgery. They may also receive radiation therapy or chemotherapy. These patients have an excellent chance of being cured. Patients whose cancer has spread beyond the intestine usually have surgery, supplemented by radiation therapy or chemotherapy. Works Cited Broitman, Selwyn A. â€Å"Digestive System.† Grolier Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1998. â€Å"Digestive System.† A.D.A.M. The Inside Story. Vers. 2.01. Computer Software. A.D.A.M. Software Inc., 1996 Dubois, Andre. â€Å"Constipation.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Dubois, Andre. â€Å"Diarrhea.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Dubois, Andre. â€Å"Digestive System.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Franklin, James L. â€Å"Ulcer.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Lindsay, Mary. The Visual Dictionary of the Human Body. New York: Dorling Kindersley, Inc., 1991. Plaut, Andrew G. â€Å"Appendicitis.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 The Digestive System Essay -- Anatomy Processes Eating Digestion Essay The Digestive System The digestive system is a group of organs that perform the process by which food, containing nutrients, is eaten and broken down into different components. This breakdown makes it possible for the digested material to pass through the intestinal wall into the blood stream. The digestive process contains many different steps that take place in many different organs.The first step of digestion begins at the mouth, where the food enters the mouth. Saliva is secreted from the salivary glands. The saliva contains enzymes such as Ptyalin, which starts sugar digestion. The enzymes also provide lubrication to help in the chewing and swallowing of the food. The food then goes down the esophagus and into the stomach, where the next step of digestion takes place. In the stomach, a mixture of hydrochloric acid and Pepsin, which is secreted by the stomach wall, liquefies the food. At the same time, a substance called intrinsic factor binds Vitamin B in food and various gastric enzymes, such as Pepsin (which begins protein digestion), which are secreted by the stomach wall. Secretions of mucus protect the stomach from its digestive enzymes. The food is then mixed in the stomach, turning it into chyme(digested food). The muscular pumping motion called peristalsis churns the chyme around.The chyme then passes through the pyloric valve by peristalsis to the first portion of the small intestine, the duodenum. The duodenum is where most of the chemical digestion takes place. Here, bile from the gallbladder and enzymes from the pancreas and intestinal walls combine with the chyme to begin the final part of digestion.Bile liquid is created in the liver, and stored in the gallbladder. Bile aids in the mechanical digestion of fat. The pancreas and gland cells of the small intestine secrete digestive enzymes that chemically break down complex food molecules into simpler ones. These enzymes include trypsin for protein digestion, amylase for carbohydrate digestion, and lipase for fat digestion. When the food passes through the duodenum, the digestion is complete.From the duodenum, the chyme passes to the jejunum and ileum, where tiny finger-like objects called villi, cover the walls. These villi start the absorption of food. During the absorption, food molecules enter the blood stream through the walls of the intestine. From the small intest... ...um often affects the amount or frequency of one’s bowel movements. People should see a doctor if they experience any change in their bowel movements or pain while having a movement. Most patients whose cancer is confined to the intestine have the growth removed by surgery. They may also receive radiation therapy or chemotherapy. These patients have an excellent chance of being cured. Patients whose cancer has spread beyond the intestine usually have surgery, supplemented by radiation therapy or chemotherapy. Works Cited Broitman, Selwyn A. â€Å"Digestive System.† Grolier Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1998. â€Å"Digestive System.† A.D.A.M. The Inside Story. Vers. 2.01. Computer Software. A.D.A.M. Software Inc., 1996 Dubois, Andre. â€Å"Constipation.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Dubois, Andre. â€Å"Diarrhea.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Dubois, Andre. â€Å"Digestive System.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Franklin, James L. â€Å"Ulcer.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999 Lindsay, Mary. The Visual Dictionary of the Human Body. New York: Dorling Kindersley, Inc., 1991. Plaut, Andrew G. â€Å"Appendicitis.† World Book Multimedia Encyclopedia. 1999

Friday, August 2, 2019

Paper Towns Book Response Essay

The? Book? Talk? visual? which? caught? my? eye? the? most? was? Clare? Considine’s? project? on? ‘Paper? Towns’? by? John? Greene.? After? talking? with? her? I? learned? the? book? is? about? two? young? people,? Margo? and? Quentin? who? navigate? through? their? senior? year? in? the? suburbs? of? Orlando,? Florida? in? the? early? 2000’s.? When? exposed? to? a? dead? man? who? has? committed? suicide? in? Jefferson? park,? Margo,? at? 10? years? old? says? â€Å"Maybe? all? the? strings? inside? him? just? broke. †? After? this? moment,? the? two? continually? link? human? emotions? to? acting? as? â€Å"strings†? throughout?the? novel.? In? the? middle? of? the? book? Margo? runs? away? and? the? plot? is? transformed? to? Quentin’s? finding? her? on? a? long? road? trip? with? his? two? best? friends? Ben? and? Radar? and? Ben’s? girlfriend? Lacey.? The? two? create? idealist? views? of? each? other? which? only? by? the? end? is? proven? wrong? by? reality.? In? the? visual,? there? is? a? series? of? 6? maps? showing? the? states? which? are? driven? through? in? the? novel? to? find? Margo,? North? Carolina,? South? Carolina,? Pennsylvania,? New? York,? Virginia,? and? Florida.? Starting? at? the? front? of? the? map? and? ending? at? the? end,? there? is? a? path? which? takes? the? viewers? of? this? visual? through? the? plot? of? the? story.? Also,? there? are? various? quotes? spread? about? the? map? to? support? the? explanation? of? the? plot.? To? begin,? the? trail? starts? at? two? houses,? Margo? and? Quentin’s.? Starting? here,? the? black? tacks? represent? Margo? and? the? white? tacks? show? Quentin.? This? contrast? to? me? exemplifies? a? ying? yang? situation.? Next,? the? string? goes? down? to? four? houses:? Lacey,? Jace,? Becca,? and? Karen’s,? whose? houses? have? a? spraypainted? ‘M’? on? them.? This? ‘M’? symbolizes? Margo’s?  anger? toward? them? because? her? ex? boyfriend? Jace? cheated? on? her? with? Becca? her? best? friend,? and? this? was? kept? a? secret? by? Karen? and? Lacey? her? are? her? close? friends? also.? It? then? leads? down? to? Sea? World? which? they? break? into? and? then? the? path? leads? to? the? sun? tower.? At? the? sun? tower? Margo? says? the? significant? quote? â€Å"All? those? paper? people? living? in? their? paper? houses,? burning? the? future? to? stay? warm.? All? the? paper? kids? drinking? beer? some? bum? bought? for? them? at? the? paper? convenience? store.? Everyone? demented? with? the? mania? of?  owning? things.? All? the? things? paper? thin? and? paper? frail.? All? all? the? people,? too.? I’ve? lived? here? for? eighteen? years? and? I? have? never? once? in? my? life? come? across? anyone? who? cares? about? anything? that? matters. †? After,? the? track? leads? to? two? paper? people? with? Margo? and? Quentin’s? tacks? on? them? suggesting? they? are? too? one? dimensional? paper? people? by? this? point.? Following,? Margo’s? tack? then? moves? into? a? question? mark? when? she? runs? away.? By? this? point? all? Quentin? knows? is? she? is? going? to? a? ‘Paper? Town’.? Quentin’s? tacks? continue? into?  subdivisions? in? Orlando,? Florida? where? he? begins? his? search? with? thoughts? that? by? ‘Paper? Towns’? she? is? referring? to? the? bland? subdivisions? with? nothing? ever? changing? but? does? not? find? her? there.? The? next? tack? is? at? a? barn? where? he? sees? Margo? has? spraypainted? the? words,? â€Å"You? will? go? to? Paper? Towns? and? you? will? never? return. †? There? he? realizes? Paper? Towns? are,? by? literal? definition,? fake? towns? choreographers? put? on? their? maps? to? prevent? plagiarism.? This? leads? him? to? Algoe,? New? York,? (represented? by? the? car? on? the? visual)? where? he?  finds? Margo? in? a? barn.? The? last? part? to? the? visual? is? a? little? booklet? with? ‘expectations,? assumptions? and? idealism’? written? on? the? pages,? illustrating? the? journal? Margo? keeps,? writing? down? all? to? happen? to? her? including? her? idealizations? for? Quentin.? This? points? out? the? moment? when? Quentin? and? Margo? realize? they? had? been? idealizing? one? another? to? be? something? they? are? not? the? whole? time? and? so? they? decide? to? part? ways.? Ultimately? this? visual? is? very? thorough? and? creative? and? illustrates? the? theme? of? the? ideal? person? being? nonexistent.

Thursday, August 1, 2019

Piano Industry, Prp

Porter Five Forces: The piano industry. Threat of substitute products or services: LOW A portable keyboard can be regarded as a substitute but those interested in buying a piano are interested in superior sound, better performance, good looks and elegance. The keyboard has none of these. It is complicated to sell a piano and move it in order to put a keyboard. Threat of new competition: MEDIUM-LOW The capital investment in a piano factory is very high. The market already is filled with competitors that dominate the global market. Brand recognition is also a hard asset to aquire in the piano industry. Pianos are a luxury product that could make an entrant suffer a lot in the even of an economic downturn. Other local Chinese piano manufacturers could potentially become significant competition. Bargaining power of customers: HIGH A piano is a high end product with many different brand offerings. Customers have a large bargaining power driving the margins down. PRP has made this clear by driving prices down by offering a good product at a better price. Bargaining power of suppliers: LOW The suppliers hold no proprietary materials that the piano makers require. Most of the materials are commodity products such as wood and those that are more developed like keys are becoming easier to manufacture in house due to the drop in ease and cost of the machinery required to do so. Intensity of competitive rivalry: HIGH The entrance of companies such as PRP is evidence of the incredibly competitive market the piano industry is. New drastic tactics and strategies like sponsored players that can only use their products in their performances or manufacturing outside their usual territories into asian sites also shows the competitive nature of the business.